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The New Social Control: The Institutional Web, Normativity and the Social Bond ePub download

by Richard Nice,Michalis Lianos

  • Author: Richard Nice,Michalis Lianos
  • ISBN: 1926958179
  • ISBN13: 978-1926958170
  • ePub: 1488 kb | FB2: 1207 kb
  • Language: English
  • Category: Politics & Government
  • Publisher: Red Quill Books (June 1, 2012)
  • Pages: 218
  • Rating: 4.7/5
  • Votes: 653
  • Format: txt lrf doc lrf
The New Social Control: The Institutional Web, Normativity and the Social Bond ePub download

Social Control after Foucault. This study examined the association between school bonds and the onset of substance use among adolescents in South Korea.

Social Control after Foucault. After the Foucauldian model, often misunderstood and projected without nuance onto the present, the study of social control has not progressed much. Based on Hirschi's social control theory, this study tested the roles of teacher attachment, educational aspiration, extracurricular activities, and rule elements of social bonds within the school setting-in delayed initiation of alcohol drinking and.

The New Social Control book. Michalis Lianos, Richard Nice (Translator). Details (if other): Cancel. Thanks for telling us about the problem. Freedom and control are usually understood as opposites but what if they merged? Consumption, management and administration are everywhere.

Discover new books on Goodreads. See if your friends have read any of Michalis Lianos's books. Michalis Lianos’s Followers. None yet. Michalis Lianos.

The New Social Control : The Institutional Web, Normativity and the Social Bond. By (author) Michalis Lianos. Free delivery worldwide. We are no longer supposed to depend on one other.

The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge is a 1966 book about the sociology of knowledge by the sociologists Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann. Berger and Luckmann introduced the term "social construction" into the social sciences and were strongly influenced by the work of Alfred Schütz.

New Social Control : The Institutional Web, Normativity and the Social Bond . Instead, institutions and organizations form a dense web that radically transform our past relations into ready-made, fragmented norms.

In over thirty pages of new material, he explores the unforeseen implications of his earlier work, addresses the political issues involved, and evaluates the success of newer approaches to sociolinguistic investigation.

Engaging in a conceptual analysis of the works of Comte, Durkheim, Bataille and Girard, this book exposes a major transformation brought about by the sociological gaze in understandings of affectivity and its relationship to both sociality and transcendence in nineteenth century social.

Engaging in a conceptual analysis of the works of Comte, Durkheim, Bataille and Girard, this book exposes a major transformation brought about by the sociological gaze in understandings of affectivity and its relationship to both sociality and transcendence in nineteenth century social thought: the ambivalence between the transcendence of the social and the immanence of affective experience. To read this book, upload an EPUB or FB2 file to Bookmate.

The book investigates conflict at the level of sociality. He is the author of The New Social Control (2012) and numerous other publications in the domain of late modern sociality.

Freedom and control are usually understood as opposites but what if they merged? Consumption, management and administration are everywhere. We are no longer supposed to depend on one other. Instead, institutions and organizations form a dense web that radically transform our past relations into ready-made, fragmented norms. Thus, we are increasingly controlled not by coercion but by competition and efficiency, aspiration and fear, to the point where a new era in human sociality is starting. Moving beyond existing critiques, Lianos argues that capitalism does not show itself as a conspiracy of the powerful but rather manifests as the lowest common denominator of our collective weaknesses. Control, therefore, lies in practice and freedom lies in consciousness. "This book transforms our view of social control. It is undoubtedly the first work to expose a decisive social mutation and reveal to us the logic and the disturbing power of a post-disciplinary, new social control, just as Foucault masterfully revealed to us the logic of disciplinary control." - Robert Castel, École des hautes études en sciences sociales.
Gold Crown
Advanced studies in social control.
romrom
I got this book in great condition with no damages or anything like that. It was purchased for school so I can't say it was in exciting read or anything like that but I definitely learned some interesting facts.
Ydely
Control in an institutional world

Michalis Lianos, The New Social Control: The Institutional Web, Normativity and the Social Bond, Red
Quill Books: Ottawa, 2012; 199 pp.: ISBN 9781926958170, C$34.94

Reviewed by: Kevin D Haggerty, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada
528 Theoretical Criminology 16(4)

Stanley Cohen's (1985: 2) characterization of social control as a `Mickey Mouse' concept
has become a cliché point of reference in criminology. Cohen used that expression out of
frustration with how analysts had expanded the concept to cover any and all efforts to
induce conformity, from the most subtle to the most barbaric. Michalis Lianos' book,
The New Social Control, accentuates some extremely subtle forms of social control, but
in doing so also helps return the concept to the realm of serious discussions about the
mode of contemporary social organization.

The New Social Control is a translation of the book Le nouveau contrôle social: toile
institutionnelle, normativité et lien social, which was originally published in French in
2001. As Lianos observes in the acknowledgments, he is `very bad' at publishing his
scholarship, and readers of his scattered works in English (Lianos, 2003, 2010; Lianos
and Douglas, 2000) are apt to see them as suggestive but frustratingly partial snippets of
a more ambitious analytical project. Consequently, the small publisher Red Quill Books
is to be applauded for bringing this significant work to an English audience.
Lianos has written a theoretical book that attributes a new mode of social control to
what he characterizes as the dominant structures of our late-modern world. Often
dense, it can be a challenging read. Consequently, I will briefly unpack some of the
text's key claims for those who might want a primer prior to immersing themselves
into the subtleties of the author's arguments.

Basically, Lianos tells a `before and after' story; one where an older form of sociality
based primarily on communal solidarity has given way to a mode of organization where
individuals secure the conditions of daily existence from institutions. The full onset for
this change appeared approximately 40 years ago, culminating in a late-modern world
thoroughly dominated by institutions and producing fundamental downstream transformations
in all realms of existence, including in the operation of social control.

This transformation is attributable to two broad and interrelated processes. The first
involves the protracted historical trend whereby individuals have sought to flee the normalizing
constraints of small pre-modern communities. Lianos is unromantic about such
communities, recognizing that they tended to exercise a coercive and all-consuming control
over individual behavior (Locke, 2010). As he puts it in the preface, `communities are
ferociously conformist' (p. vii). Individuals escaped local normative constraints by turning
to the coordinating abilities of institutions such as the workplace, corporation and
school - culminating in what he refers to as an ever thickening `institutional web'.
The second driver in the rise of this institutional web was the fact that institutions,
through ongoing processes of rationalization, have become more efficient in providing
the conditions of daily existence. People, for the first time in human history, can now
better secure their wants and needs from institutions rather than their informal social
networks. Indeed, the increasing dominance of institutions in everyday life now means
that what was once a choice to rely upon their myriad resources has now become a
compulsion.

Lianos identifies several fundamental differences in how these late-modern institutions
produce conformity as compared to their modern counterparts famously analyzed
by Michel Foucault (1977). First, Lianos extends the analysis of institutions to include
`any structure that centralizes human behavior around its own existence and projects'
(p. 1), meaning that such diverse things as businesses, software, shopping malls, and
transportation systems are understood as vital conduits for social control. And where
modern institutions such as the factory or prison were fundamentally concerned with
instilling a deep form of normative subjectification, or `soul training', their post-industrial
counterparts are indifferent to such subjectification. Instead, institutions simply seek to
maximize their institutional goals which they do by trying to capture the attention of
citizens in order to market their services, a process Lianos calls periopticity. Individuals
targeted in this way are also directed to contexts of human/institution interaction
where conformity is necessarily a built-in precondition for accessing the compartmentalized
options of institutional service. Lianos refers to these settings as `anthropomoments'.
And while these amount to a thin form of control--one typically not recognized
as control--they are nonetheless profoundly effective in regulating behavior because
of how they insinuate themselves into ever-more mundane domains of existence. From
playing online games, to paying a bill, to entering a highway, human behavior is prospectively
controlled by the anthropomoments established by institutions:
The post-industrial citizen is no longer led to fulfill his or her social contract by the implantation
of beliefs or the generation of behavioral rules arising from spontaneous interaction. Rather, he
fulfills a performance obligation that is imposed by institutions and by the systems that surround
them and to which his life belongs in slices. (p. 3)

Several significant consequences in the dynamics of social control follow from these
transformations. First, control becomes heterogeneous. No longer connected to a hegemonic
normative order, individual normativity is instead fractured due to how it
becomes oriented to the different systems operated by the institutions with which we are
aligned. Second, social control is not an explicit institutional aim, but is instead a
byproduct of offering preconfigured and increasingly technologically mediated service
options. Finally, this situation breaks the longstanding analytical opposition between
control and freedom. As institutions now provide individuals with the conditions for
advancing personal freedom, the corollary is that the control individuals exert over themselves
to access services is an aspect of the experience of freedom in a post-industrial
world. Indeed, a system of institutional control, where screening decisions are increasingly
made by computer algorithms, produces a form of `technocentric equality' (p. 31)
that fulfills the liberal dream of freeing individuals from subjective--and therefore
inherently discriminatory--decision making (p. 74). As a result, decisions previously
based on informal assessments of trusted individuals are progressively replaced by
institutional decision-making systems based on systematic distrust of all users (p. 81).
The book presents a vision of society bifurcated into two groups. The first are the
included, who are sought out by institutions eager to incorporate them into their systems.
These are the frequent flyers of the global North, oriented to maximizing the institutional
services available to them. Paradoxically, it is these individuals at the top of the social
hierarchy who experience the greatest control as they continually work to conform to the
conditions for accessing different components of the institutional web.

The other group is comprised of those excluded from institutional processes and who
cannot constitute themselves as institutional subjects. Consequently, they become the
new deviants, `made up of all those who cannot or do not know how to extract anything
worthy of sustained effort from contact with the institutions' (p. 5). Such individuals are
threatening to the elite in two different ways. First, the excluded are an imagined source
of risk. Liberated from the coercive bonds of local communities, individuals lead an
increasingly asocial privatized existence that involves an incessant fear of others.
Through a process which Lianos calls `dangerization', such individuals habitually scrutinize
other people for signs that they might pose a threat, focusing particularly on signs
that such `others' might be disconnected from institutional systems which reduce their
riskiness. This ongoing process of fear management encourages the connected to ever
more strongly orient themselves to the use of institutional services that promise to
reduce personal risk. The second way that the excluded fit into the dynamics of late
modern fears is that they provide a cautionary tale for the connected, in that they represent
what could happen should one fall outside of the institutional web.

The book has five chapters plus a brief preface. Combined, the introduction and conclusion
outline the argument. The three substantive chapters expand on these ideas by
focusing on different contexts of deviance. Chapter 2 presents an extended theoretical
analysis of the automated passenger control system in the Paris subway system. As the
Metro is close to a century old, this example also allows Lianos to stress that systems of
sociotechnical control are not necessarily a recent development. Chapter 3 examines the
theoretical implications of surveillance cameras, which he treats as an exemplary instance
of new automatic inspection regimes more generally. Lianos focuses on how such devices
introduce subtle but significant transformations in social dynamics. These include how
cameras disembed action from its local context; give a form of institutional permanence
to what were previously fleeting acts; and alter the temporality of deviance. Rather than
seeking to instill uniform norms, cameras produce a relativizing form of conformity,
one that operates by targeting the behavioral outliers in any setting and in the process
introducing centripetal tendencies toward conformity. Chapter 4 is concerned with the
process of dangerization, particularly with the role of the media in fostering fears of
victimization. Lianos uses the examples of Britain and France to show how the precise
objects of dangerization can differ, but argues that the social result is comparable in each
country, as atomized individuals are pushed toward embracing a precautionary logic that
positions them as being responsible for managing strategies to try and negate danger.
The fact that the book was originally published in 2001 means that pertinent recent
historical events are not addressed. This includes the official responses to global terrorism
and the rise of social media. Given that these phenomena respectively display
attributes of dangerization and sociotechnical control, they can fit within Lianos'
framework fairly easily. Other developments, such as the `Arab Spring', seem to challenge
his somewhat despairing views about the prospect of collective social change.
One grating feature of the book is the author's tendency toward making sweeping
claims about the changes we are experiencing in social control. While this might be a
useful rhetorical strategy for forcefully making an argument, I thought more caveats and
qualifications were in order, and repeatedly found myself thinking up other examples that
might complicate the stark picture presented by the author's blanket generalizations.
That small point aside, the book is exciting and invigorating. As a middle-class North
American, I personally recognized the form of social control Lianos described and found
his analysis of this situation insightful. It again reminds us that criminologists still tend
to slight the dynamics of social control operative for groups other than the most poor and
marginalized.

The book will be eagerly read by individuals studying the place of technology in
social control and also by critical theorists, but it deserves to be read more widely. It
offers insightful and sometimes counter-intuitive positions that challenge the received
wisdom on some of the discipline's key issues, including what social control is, the
objects of that control, the relationship between control and freedom, the nature of equality,
the aims of surveillance and the operation of institutional power. Even if you do not agree
with the totality of his analysis, Lianos will challenge you to refine and defend positions
that you might have taken for granted. In the process the book helps to retrieve the
concept of social control from its cartoon graveyard.

References
Cohen S (1985) Visions of Social Control: Crime Punishment and Classification. Cambridge:
Polity.
Foucault M (1977) Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Sheridan A. New York:
Vintage.
Lianos M (2003) Social control after Foucault. Surveillance and Society 1: 412-430.
Lianos M (2010) Periopticon: Control beyond freedom and coercion--and two possible advancements
in the social sciences. In: Haggerty KD and Samatas M (eds) Surveillance & Democracy.
London: Routledge.
Lianos M and Douglas M (2000) Dangerization and the end of deviance. British Journal of Criminology
40: 261-278.
Locke J (2010) Eavesdropping: An Intimate History. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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