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The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828--1856 ePub download

by William J. Cooper Jr.

  • Author: William J. Cooper Jr.
  • ISBN: 0807107751
  • ISBN13: 978-0807107751
  • ePub: 1232 kb | FB2: 1952 kb
  • Language: English
  • Category: Americas
  • Publisher: LSU Press; New edition edition (June 1, 1980)
  • Pages: 401
  • Rating: 4.1/5
  • Votes: 550
  • Format: mobi lrf mbr lit
The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828--1856 ePub download

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The politics of slavery consumed the political world of the antebellum South

The politics of slavery consumed the political world of the antebellum South. Although local economic, ethnic, and religious issues tended to dominate northern antebellum politics, The South and the Politics of Slavery convincingly argues that national and slavery-related issues were the overriding concerns of southern politics during these years. William Cooper traces and analyzes the history of southern politics from the formation of the Democratic party in the late 1820s to the demise of the Democratic-Whig struggle in the 1850s, reporting on attitudes and reactions in each of the eleven states that were to form the Confederacy.

The politics of slavery consumed the political world of the antebellum South. He convincingly shows that Southern politics turned on the issue of slavery not just after 1850, but all the way back to 1831.

William J. Cooper, Jr. (born October 22, 1940) is an American historian who specializes in the history of the American South, and is regarded as a leading expert on the life of Jefferson Davis. Cooper studied at Princeton University and Johns Hopkins University. After two years of service as an officer in the . Army, he went on to spend his entire academic career at Louisiana State University. The Conservative Regime: South Carolina, 1877-1890 (1968).

In his work, The South and the Politics of Slavery, William Cooper, Jr. argues that from the 1830s to the 1850s, issues of slavery dominated the political realm of both Southern Democrats and Southern Whigs. According to Cooper, Southern politics constituted a, ‘politics of slavery. Cooper defines the term, ‘politics of slavery’ as the world created by the interaction of the institution of slavery, Southern parties and politicians, the Southern political structure, and the values of Southern white society in antebellum Southern politics (xi).

Pp. xv, 401. Stanley L. Engerman (a1). University of Rochester. Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2009.

oceedings{N, title {Untouched but not Hushed: Slavery in Antebellum Southern [email protected]@@The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828-1856. author {Richard B. Latner and William James Cooper}, year {1980} }. Richard B. Latner, William James Cooper.

The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828-1856 (eBook). Jefferson Davis and the Civil War Era (eBook). by william j. (Author).

The Unive rsity of South Carolina Pre s s 718 Devine Stre e t, Columbia, South Carolina 29208 800-768-2500, 803-777-5243, fax 800-868-0740, ww. c

The Unive rsity of South Carolina Pre s s 718 Devine Stre e t, Columbia, South Carolina 29208 800-768-2500, 803-777-5243, fax 800-868-0740, ww. c. e d u, u s c p re s s FOREIGN SALES REPRESENTATIVES Asia & the Pacific (including Australia & New Zealand) East-West Export Books (EWEB) Royden Muranaka University of Hawaii Press 2840 Kolowalu.

The Conservative Regime: South Carolina, 1877-1890 (1968). The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828-56 (1979). Liberty and Slavery (1983). The American South: A History (1996) (with Tom E. Terrill). Jefferson Davis, American (2000). Jefferson Davis and the Civil War Era (2008). We Have the War Upon Us: The Onset of the Civil War, November 1860-April 1861 (2012).

The politics of slavery consumed the political world of the antebellum South. Although local economic, ethnic, and religious issues tended to dominate northern antebellum politics, The South and the Politics of Slavery convincingly argues that national and slavery-related issues were the overriding concerns of southern politics during these years. Accordingly, southern voters saw their parties, both Democratic and Whig, as the advocates and guardians of southern rights in the nation.William Cooper traces and analyzes the history of southern politics from the formation of the Democratic party in the late 1820s to the demise of the Democratic-Whig struggle in the 1850s, reporting on attitudes and reactions in each of the eleven states that were to form the Confederacy. Focusing on southern politicians and parties, Cooper emphasizes their relationship with each other, with their northern counterparts, and with southern voters, and he explores the connections between the values of southern white society and its parties and politicians. Based on extensive research in regional political manuscripts and newspapers, this study will be valuable to all historians of the period for the information and insight it provides on the role of the South in politics of the nation during the lifespan of the Jacksonian party system.

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William J. Cooper goes to great lengths to reinforce the stereotype that southern politics before the War Between the States was centered around the issue of slavery and that local issues were unimportant compared to it. In The South and the Politics of Slavery, 1828-1856, Cooper is especially explicit in announcing slavery to be the "fulcrum" of southern politics. The book covers the period of the second American party system, from 1828 and the advent of Jacksonianism to the disintegration of the Whig party in 1856. In explaining why Whigs as well as Democrats spoke "constantly" about slavery-related issues, Cooper argues that only the slavery issue afforded political stability to any party position. He insists that the white South was of a unified, proslavery mind. He is not completely successful at explaining why this should be so. He does succeed in describing slavery as a national issue, pointing out that only the national government could officially recognize the peculiar institution's legitimacy in America. In the process of explication, Cooper seems to imply that the parties were utilized by southern politicians to gain national power, which could then be harnessed to protect southern rights. Since the second party system first emerged in 1828, he seems to date the birth of the southern rights crusade to a time even before the Nullification crisis.
Cooper identifies four factors that animated the "politics of slavery": the institution of slavery itself, southern parties and politicians, the political structure of the South, and the values of white southern society. Cooper would certainly agree that the North and South were culturally different in the antebellum era. He describes this sectional difference in political terms: local issues predominated in northern politics, whereas slavery dominated southern political discourse. Conditionally, southerners viewed parties' roles differently than did their northern counterparts--southerners relied on the national parties to work for the preservation of southern rights within the nation. Local issues were irrelevant in the South, Cooper argues repeatedly, compared to the indomitable politics of slavery. He rejects emphatically the common belief that economic matters defined party politics in the era of the second party system. Cooper dismisses the crucial significance of economic and diverse social issues at the local and state level by placing over each such issue a mask of proslavery. Specific issues emerged and faded, he argues, but slavery remained always at the core of each one. He does not seek to understand just who became Whigs or who became Democrats or the reasons why, for he sees in the South a unified system of political thought. Cooper's argument is almost circular: the drive for southern rights shaped the national party structure, but this selfsame party system fostered sectionalism within the parties and essentially destroyed the second party system. Cooper insists that the Democrats enjoyed political hegemony in the South in the late 1850s because no new party could replace the Whigs under the unspoken rules of the southern political system; the existence of anti-Democratic voters--who were a large minority of the southern population--and the existence of local issues could not subsume the slavery issue in politics. Cooper relies mainly on data from Presidential elections, ignoring nonpresidential contests at the state and local level. This approach prevents him from acknowledging the lack of unity and order in southern politics. He refuses to admit the existence of discord not only between but within parties, and he is blind to any evidence that the South was anything but unified in proslavery ideology by the 1850s.
Awene
It is interesting that this question still causes such a high level of bitter disagreement. This question has been argued in a thousand different ways. Cooper's work, in my opinion, provides the answer. He convincingly shows that Southern politics turned on the issue of slavery not just after 1850, but all the way back to 1831. Slavery and Southern safety won and lost the big elections after 1831 in every Southern state. The issues differed (states' rights, western expansion, etc.), but the heart of every issue was what it would do to slavery. It's hard to find, but if you can, read it.
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